By Yusuf of The Heartland
Image by Freedom House
The Syrian conflict has long been framed as a struggle between competing forces—some aligned with Western-backed opposition groups, others tied to the so-called Axis of Resistance led by Iran and Hezbollah, and still others existing in a more ambiguous space, resisting both Assad and external intervention. As the war drags on, a fundamental question emerges: what kind of resistance can truly unify Syrians against Zionism and imperialism when many of the major players are viewed as complicit in their suffering?
Who Represents the Resistance?
For years, Hezbollah and Iran have positioned themselves as the vanguard of the “Islamic Resistance,” standing against Western imperialism and Israeli aggression. Their military strength is undeniable, and their role in countering Israeli incursions is well-documented. However, their involvement in the Syrian war—specifically their unwavering support for Bashar al-Assad—has alienated large segments of the Syrian population. Many Syrians, while staunchly opposed to U.S. and Israeli interventions, have suffered most directly at the hands of Assad’s forces and their allies.
This creates a contradiction. How can a movement claim to represent resistance when it is tied to a government responsible for widespread repression? Can a pro-Assad axis genuinely unify Syrians in the fight against Zionism when so many view its members as occupiers rather than liberators?
HTS: A Complicated Role in the Resistance
On the other side of the conflict, groups like Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) have positioned themselves as an alternative. While they have a controversial past and have been accused of oppressive rule, they are also one of the few forces actively resisting both Assad and Zionist incursions. Israel has repeatedly targeted HTS in airstrikes, suggesting that, at least at one point, it saw them as a genuine threat. If HTS were simply another Western proxy, why would Israel bother attacking them?
“We have no intention of harming the interests of any neighboring country, and we hope to maintain fraternal relations based on common interests with neighboring countries, the region, and the world.”
- Ahmad al-Dalati, Deputy Leader of Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham (HTS)
This raises another set of questions: can HTS evolve into a more legitimate resistance force, one that sheds its past affiliations and becomes a foundation for a broader, people-driven resistance? Or does its history of factionalism and authoritarian governance undermine its credibility?
A New Path: Decentralization and Confederation?
One of the major challenges in Syria’s resistance movement is the question of governance. Historically, centralized rule—whether under the Ba’athists or earlier regimes—has led to authoritarianism. Would a decentralized model offer a more sustainable path forward?
Imagine a constitutional confederation where different factions—HTS in Idlib, a restructured Islamic Front in the south, the Kurds with full rights and participation, and even an Alawite autonomous zone—could coexist while maintaining a common military alliance against external threats. Could such an arrangement work? Would it provide a framework where Syrians could direct their energy toward true resistance rather than infighting?
Such a model would be difficult to implement, especially given the deep-seated mistrust among Syria’s various factions. However, it might offer a more viable alternative than continuing under an Iranian-backed Assad regime or falling into the hands of Western-backed client forces.
The Role of External Powers: Help or Hindrance?
The involvement of foreign actors has only complicated Syria’s struggle. The Gulf states, despite their rhetoric about supporting the Syrian people, have often backed groups based on their own geopolitical interests rather than any real commitment to an Islamic or nationalist movement. Had they supported a legitimate, principled resistance instead of promoting Wahhabi proxies, the region could look very different today.
“They will not be able to achieve their goals despite what they have done in past days, and we as Hezbollah will be by Syria’s side in thwarting the goals of this aggression as much as we can.”
- Naim Qassem, Secretary-General of Hezbollah:
At the same time, Hezbollah’s decision to fully back Assad early in the war raises important questions. If they had instead tried to broker a post-Assad transition—one that maintained Syria’s role in the resistance while also addressing the grievances of the Syrian people—would they have gained a more reliable ally rather than simply securing their own supply routes? Could Iran have played a smarter, more strategic role by supporting a broader coalition rather than doubling down on Assad?
Looking Forward: What Kind of Resistance Can Win?
As things stand, there are no easy answers. HTS’s continued control in parts of Syria represents a shift, but whether it leads to a more just and effective resistance movement remains to be seen. If they can open the door to broader participation—including the drafting of a constitution and the inclusion of the Kurds—then it would be difficult to argue that this isn’t a step forward for Syria.
But the bigger question remains: does this strengthen or weaken the broader resistance against imperialism? Does decentralization offer a path to a stronger, more unified front, or would it lead to further fragmentation and vulnerability to external manipulation?
One thing seems clear: keeping Assad in power has never been the right answer. The challenge now is finding a way forward that unites Syrians against their true enemies, rather than forcing them into alliances of convenience that ultimately undermine the cause of liberation.
Thanks for reading. Please give me your opinions. I’m here to learn. I’m an external viewer of this conflict and I’m open to evidence and discussion. What do you think? Is a decentralized model viable, or is a single, unified resistance movement the only way forward? Let’s continue the discussion.
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