A Crown for Trump? America’s Quiet March Toward One-Man Rule
Trump's 2028 Plan for Kingship, and How We Fight Back.
The latest news cycle has confirmed what many of us feared: Donald Trump is seriously considering a third term in office, and he’s not joking about it. From his own words to the machinations of his allies like Steve Bannon, we are witnessing an unprecedented and direct challenge to the constitutional limits of U.S. democracy. Trump, a man who has already trampled on laws, norms, and court decisions, is laying the groundwork to hold power beyond what is legally allowed. And the Democratic Party, spineless as ever, lacks the courage to stop him. If anyone is going to stand in his way, it won’t be the ruling class—it will have to be the working class, the marginalized, and those who still believe in the fight against imperialist rule.
But Trump isn’t a rogue actor. His rise is part of a global trend of right-wing authoritarianism. Figures like Jair Bolsonaro in Brazil, Narendra Modi in India, and Benjamin Netanyahu in Israel have used democratic institutions to consolidate power while hollowing out the very freedoms they claim to defend. Trump operates in the same vein, weaponizing the courts, law enforcement, and the media to secure his rule. His movement is fueled by racial resentment, economic precarity, and a ruling-class agenda that seeks to entrench corporate power while using nationalism as a smokescreen.
The Empire Turns Inward: Trump’s Autocracy is a Logical Conclusion
The U.S. has spent decades backing and installing authoritarian leaders abroad while claiming to uphold democracy at home. It has propped up military juntas in Latin America, sanctioned coups in Africa, and armed dictatorships in the Middle East. Now, those same tactics are coming home. Trump’s ambitions aren’t a break from U.S. history; they are its logical extension.
Just as Bush used 9/11 to justify endless war and mass surveillance, Trump could manufacture a crisis—be it a terrorist attack, economic collapse, or mass civil unrest—to justify holding onto power. And just as Democrats allowed Bush and Obama to consolidate executive power, they will do little to stop him now. If anything, they’ve already laid the groundwork.
Trump’s Methods: How He Could Try to Stay in Power
While the 22nd Amendment clearly prohibits a third term, Trump and his inner circle are openly floating ways to circumvent it. These are not just theoretical discussions; they are real strategies being explored:
The JD Vance Loophole: Trump suggested that his vice president, JD Vance, could run for president in 2028 and then pass the role to him in some way. However, legal scholars like Derek Muller have pointed out that the 12th Amendment also prevents an ineligible president from serving as vice president.
Congressional Override: Some Trump-aligned Republicans, like Rep. Andy Ogles, have already introduced resolutions to abolish term limits. While such a change would require an impossible-to-achieve two-thirds majority in Congress and ratification by three-quarters of the states, the mere fact that this is being proposed shows the GOP’s willingness to undermine constitutional safeguards.
Supreme Court Manipulation: Trump’s packed, hyper-conservative Supreme Court has already shown a willingness to gut democratic protections. If his legal team can manufacture a case that reaches the high court, it is not unthinkable that they could invent a rationale to reinterpret the 22nd Amendment.
State-Level Coup via Republican Governors: Trump’s allies control key state governments, and we saw in 2020 how Republican legislatures sought to overturn election results. If red-state governors refuse to certify election results, or if Republican-dominated state legislatures send rogue electors, we could see a constitutional crisis far worse than January 6.
Martial Law or Emergency Powers: In his second term, Trump will have control over the Justice Department, military, and federal agencies. If he declares a national emergency—whether real or manufactured—he could attempt to justify indefinite rule, as authoritarian leaders have done throughout history.
The Democratic Party’s Role in Paving the Way for Trump
The Democrats have already shown they lack the will to resist Trump’s power grabs. They failed to convict him in two impeachment trials, let him stack the judiciary with extremists, and continue to act as if “playing fair” will protect democracy. Even now, as Trump openly discusses a third term, their response is weak statements and procedural posturing.
Congressional Democrats like Rep. Daniel Goldman have warned about Trump’s intentions, but words mean nothing without action. The Democratic leadership should be mobilizing massive legislative and legal countermeasures, but instead, they are treating Trump as a “normal” president who follows the rules. He does not. He never has. And he never will.
It’s not enough to say Democrats are weak in opposing Trump; they are complicit in creating the conditions that allow him to thrive. Their unwavering commitment to neoliberalism, imperialism, and state violence has played a direct role in fueling Trumpism.
Expanding Executive Power – Under Obama, the U.S. vastly expanded drone warfare, mass surveillance, and deportations. These precedents strengthened the power of the presidency in ways that Trump was eager to exploit.
Biden’s Continuation of Trump-Era Policies – Despite his rhetoric, Biden has continued many of Trump’s worst policies: border militarization, police funding increases, and aggressive foreign intervention. The same police state that brutalized BLM protesters in 2020 is now stronger under Biden.
Neoliberalism as a Fertile Ground for Fascism – Decades of austerity, corporate giveaways, and economic disenfranchisement—championed by both parties—have fueled the desperation that Trump exploits. When working-class people see no real alternatives, they turn to reactionary strongmen who promise to burn the system down.
Rather than a true opposition force, the Democratic Party is the other wing of the same imperial machine. Their failures don’t just enable Trump—they ensure his movement will outlast him.
Trump’s Economic and Imperialist Endgame
Trump’s authoritarianism is not just about power—it’s about securing wealth for the ruling elite. His brand of nationalism is a facade for corporate rule, where billionaires are given free rein to exploit workers while economic warfare is waged against the Global South. If Trump successfully extends his rule, the U.S. will not be a democracy in any meaningful sense—it will be an authoritarian state with elections in name only. What we are seeing now is the slow-motion unraveling of the republic under the guise of maintaining it.
Sanctions and Coups as Economic Weapons – Expect Trump to escalate economic warfare against countries that challenge U.S. dominance. Sanctions on Venezuela, Iran, and Cuba will likely intensify, while coups and proxy wars will be used to install puppet regimes that serve American business interests.
Corporate Rule Under the Cover of Populism – Trump positions himself as an enemy of “globalism,” but his economic policies serve only the ultra-rich. His tax cuts benefited billionaires, and his deregulation efforts gave corporations a green light to exploit workers with fewer restrictions.
Bringing Imperial Tactics Home – From ICE raids to militarized policing, Trump’s America increasingly mirrors the authoritarian regimes the U.S. has historically backed abroad. The same counterinsurgency tactics used in Iraq and Afghanistan are now being deployed in American cities.
Targeting Opponents: In his second term, Trump will be even more ruthless in persecuting political enemies. Prosecutors, journalists, activists, and anyone who resists him will be criminalized, much like we’ve seen in authoritarian regimes around the world.
Curtailing Dissent: Expect severe restrictions on protest, new domestic terrorism laws aimed at crushing left-wing and anti-imperialist movements, and mass surveillance programs targeting “subversive” communities.
Expanding Imperialism: Trump will continue endless wars, enrich the ruling class, and intensify economic exploitation globally, all while suppressing any resistance from within.
Erasing Elections Themselves: Once Trump establishes that term limits can be ignored, there’s nothing stopping him from running for a fourth, fifth, or even indefinite term. The illusion of democracy will continue, but it will be no different from Putin’s Russia or Xi’s China—a pseudo-democracy where the ruler stays in power indefinitely.
This is not an aberration—it’s imperial rule turned inward.
What Can Be Done? A Call to the Working Class
Waiting for the courts or the Democratic Party to stop Trump is a fantasy. If the past decade has taught us anything, it’s that the ruling class will always protect itself first. Stopping Trump will require mass mobilization from below.
Here’s what can be done:
General Strikes and Economic Disruption
If the working class refuses to work, the system grinds to a halt. General strikes have historically been one of the most powerful weapons against authoritarian regimes. By disrupting capital, strikes make a country ungovernable, forcing the ruling class to respond.
This has worked time and again:
Chile under Pinochet (1980s) – A series of mass strikes and protests, led by workers and students, weakened Pinochet’s hold on power, paving the way for the end of his dictatorship.
Sudan’s 2019 Uprising – A nationwide strike paralyzed the country and forced the military government into negotiations, eventually leading to a transitional civilian government.
Puerto Rico’s 2019 Protests – Mass protests and labor strikes led to the resignation of Governor Ricardo Rosselló, proving that when people shut down an economy, even entrenched leaders can be forced out.
A Trump dictatorship cannot function without a workforce. If logistics workers, service industry employees, and educators coordinated mass walkouts, his regime would be paralyzed. The U.S. economy is deeply dependent on precarious labor—gig workers, truckers, and service employees. Organizing mass refusal among these groups could create unprecedented disruption.
Labor unions, worker cooperatives, and radical labor organizations must begin preparing now—building networks capable of carrying out sustained economic disruption, rather than waiting until it’s too late.
Community Defense and Mutual Aid
The people most vulnerable under Trump’s rule—migrants, Black communities, Muslims, LGBTQ+ people—must build networks of solidarity and self-defense. If the state refuses to protect us, we must protect each other.
Under Trump’s first term, grassroots organizing provided critical resistance. These efforts must be expanded:
Migrant Solidarity Networks – Groups physically blocked ICE raids, provided sanctuary for undocumented people, and organized rapid-response teams to resist deportations. These efforts must be scaled up, with local communities prepared to intervene when the state attacks.
Mutual Aid During COVID – The pandemic showed the power of community-led survival networks, from food distribution to rent relief and worker cooperatives. These forms of direct action must continue—not just as emergency responses, but as permanent structures that reduce dependence on the state.
Police Abolition Movements – The Black Lives Matter uprisings of 2020 demonstrated how communities can organize against state violence. Expanding bail funds, community patrols, and alternatives to policing will be critical in resisting an authoritarian state.
Building these networks is not just about resisting Trump—it’s about creating dual power structures that make his rule irrelevant. The stronger our communities are at providing for each other, the less control the state has over our lives.
Organized Mass Protests
We need a sustained, nationwide movement in the streets—not just symbolic marches, but direct action that disrupts the status quo. Trump’s own advisors fear large-scale uprisings because they know that mass resistance, not polite legal arguments, is what has toppled dictatorships throughout history.
Historical examples of effective uprisings:
The 2019 Hong Kong Protests – Protesters used decentralized tactics, flash protests, and disruptions of infrastructure to challenge state repression. They made governance nearly impossible for pro-Beijing authorities.
France’s Yellow Vest Movement (2018-Present) – Working-class protests against economic injustice forced the French government into policy concessions, proving that sustained pressure works.
The 2019 Chilean Uprising – A fare increase sparked a nationwide movement that led to the rewriting of the country’s constitution, demonstrating how protests can translate into systemic change.
For protests to be effective, they must go beyond one-off marches. The Women’s Marches and anti-Trump demonstrations of 2017, while historic, failed to build sustained momentum because they remained largely symbolic. Instead, we need:
Occupation Tactics – Following the example of Occupy Wall Street and Tahrir Square, sustained physical presence in strategic locations (government buildings, financial centers, transportation hubs) can apply direct pressure.
Blockades and Disruptions – From shutting down highways to airport protests like those seen in response to Trump’s Muslim Ban, strategic disruptions force the state to respond.
Mass Civil Disobedience – Coordinated refusal to comply with authoritarian laws—whether through sanctuary cities, student strikes, or tax resistance—can make Trump’s policies unenforceable.
A mass movement must be built now, before Trump consolidates power, so that when the moment for action arrives, it is ready to move fast and decisively.
International Solidarity
Trump’s dictatorship will not just affect the U.S.; it will embolden authoritarian leaders globally. Across the world, we have already seen a resurgence of far-right nationalism, from Bolsonaro’s Brazil to Modi’s India. A fascist America will strengthen these forces, providing ideological, financial, and military support for global reactionaries.
That’s why resisting Trump must be part of a broader anti-imperialist struggle. The U.S. left must build solidarity with movements fighting authoritarianism worldwide:
Palestinian Resistance – Trump’s unconditional support for Israeli apartheid has deepened the occupation. Strengthening ties with Palestinian liberation movements is essential.
Latin American Leftist Movements – U.S. interventionism has long targeted leftist governments in Latin America. Trump’s return will likely escalate economic warfare and coup attempts. Building alliances with movements in Venezuela, Bolivia, and Chile is critical.
Workers’ Struggles in Europe and Asia – From the UK’s growing labor strikes to South Korea’s militant union movements, international worker solidarity can provide material support and shared strategies.
Additionally, we must prepare for the possibility of political refugees from the U.S. If Trump successfully consolidates power, journalists, activists, and targeted communities may need safe passage out of the country. Establishing international networks to assist political exiles—similar to those that existed during Latin American dictatorships—will be essential.
The fight against Trump is part of the fight against global fascism. An injury to one is an injury to all.
My Personal Stakes in This Fight
This is not just a theoretical discussion, and it’s not abstract for me—it is a fight for survival.
As a Muslim, I have seen how Trump’s Islamophobia isn’t just policy—its an ideological weapon that fuels and legitimizes state repression, surveillance and real violence. His Muslim ban was just one piece of a broader strategy that legitimizes this bigotry.
As someone with ties to the Global South, I know that Trump’s policies don’t just harm Americans—they destroy lives worldwide. His foreign policy is built on economic warfare, military aggression, and a white nationalist framework that treats entire nations as disposable. The stakes aren’t just about U.S. democracy—they are about preventing a fascist movement with global reach.
Final Thoughts: The Path Forward
If Trump succeeds in cementing his rule, the U.S. will not be the first empire to bring its authoritarianism home. The question is: What will we do about it?
Expose Trump as part of a broader imperial tradition, not just a rogue demagogue.
Hold the Democratic Party accountable for its complicity in Trump’s rise.
Organize labor strikes and economic disruptions as direct forms of resistance.
Build mutual aid and community defense networks that make state power less relevant.
The time to act is now. If history has shown us anything, it’s that authoritarianism and fascism does not collapse on its own—it is dismantled through collective struggle, mass movements, economic disruption, and direct action.
We are not dealing with a hypothetical. Trump has already shown his contempt for democracy, and he has now publicly declared his intent to stay in power beyond his legal term. If we do nothing, and Trump returns to power, the conditions for authoritarian rule will not be some distant future—they will be immediate. That means we must start organizing now. We are witnessing the final transition of the U.S. from a flawed democracy to outright authoritarian rule.
Here’s what must happen:
Workers must prepare for general strikes and economic disruption.
Communities must strengthen mutual aid and self-defense networks.
Mass protests must be sustained, disruptive, and strategic.
International solidarity must be built to resist fascism globally.
This is not just about preserving American democracy—it is about stopping a far-right movement with global consequences. The ruling class will not save us. The only thing that can stop Trump is organized, working-class resistance.
As a Muslim, a father, and the husband of an African migrant from a country Trump once banned, I refuse to let this happen without a fight. The working class, not the Democratic elite, holds the power to resist this slide into dictatorship. But time is running out. If we wait until 2028 to resist, it will be too late. The fight must start now.